Although opposition to Common Core education standards is growing, an
overwhelming majority of Americans remain supportive of these
standards. A majority also back government funding of preschool
education for disadvantaged children. At the same time, Americans are
becoming increasingly resistant to demands for greater education
spending and higher teacher pay. They give a higher evaluation to
private schools than to public ones in their local community, but
opposition to market-oriented school-reform proposals such as
performance pay for teachers and school vouchers seems to be on the
rise. Those are just a few of the findings from the seventh annual
Education Next (EdNext) poll
administered under the auspices of the Harvard Program on Education
Policy and Governance (PEPG) to a representative sample of the U.S.
adult population. Teachers, parents, African Americans, and Hispanic
respondents were also surveyed in large enough numbers to provide
reliable estimates of their opinions. Detailed results from 2013 and from previous years are available on the
EdNext website.
Please note that in this survey we place the neutral option on an
issue—neither support for nor opposition to the policy—as the last
response option rather than placing it in the middle position. As a
result, the number of respondents who took the neutral position dropped
on almost every issue from what had been observed in prior years. (See
the Methodology sidebar below for survey specifics.)
Major Findings
Other than the reduction in the percentage of respondents taking a
neutral position, we find little change in public opinion on most of the
education policy questions about which we inquired in this survey.
Responses to all items are available in the accompanying table. Our
discussion focuses on questions not posed in prior years and on items
for which we observe significant changes in public opinion from prior
years.
High support for Common Core, but growing opposition
Support for the Common Core remains very high despite recent
political controversy. Nearly two-thirds of Americans favor adopting
these standards in their state, roughly the same share as last year
(Fig. 1). Adoption of the Common Core is in fact one of the most popular
reform proposals about which we inquired. Yet opposition to Common Core
may be strengthening, as the policy has come under increasing criticism
from groups at both ends of the political spectrum. Although the share
of the public who express opposition remains small at just 13 percent,
that percentage has nearly doubled since one year ago. The growth in
opposition coincides with a decline among those taking a neutral
position, which may be due to changes in the survey design discussed
above. It’s notable, however, that the shift was almost entirely toward
the opposition.
Higher evaluations of local private schools
The public holds the schools in its local community in higher regard
than it holds the nation’s schools. Nearly half say that local public
schools deserve a grade of either “A” or “B,” but only about one-fifth
say the same for the nation’s public schools. But if the public thinks
better of local public schools than it does of those in the nation as a
whole, it is definitely more satisfied with local private schools than
with public ones. Nearly three-fourths of Americans give private schools
an “A” or “B” (Fig. 2). Just 5 percent give private schools a “D” or an
“F,” as compared to 16 percent giving one of those low grades to local
public schools and 23 percent giving those grades to the nation’s
schools.
Schools better at serving the more-talented than the less-talented students
Much of the discussion concerning American education policy focuses
on the achievement gap between high- and low-performing students.
Americans agree with many critics who say the public schools do a better
job of educating more capable students than educationally disadvantaged
ones. Close to three-fourths of the public say their local schools are
doing well at attending to the needs of more-talented students, but that
percentage plummets to just 45 percent when asked about the
effectiveness of local schools at meeting the needs of the less-talented
(Fig. 3).
Teachers see less disparity in the treatment of high- and
low-performing students. While 77 percent think the highly talented are
well served, 66 percent of the teachers say the needs of the
less-talented are also well attended to.
Support for pre-kindergarten spending
President Obama has called for federal funding of preschool programs,
and the issue has received strong support in Congress despite concerns
about government debt and partisan gridlock. Widespread support for
pre-kindergarten funding proposals may be inspired by the popularity of
the idea among the public at large. When asked about support for a
proposal “that would allow low- and moderate-income four-year-old
children to be given the opportunity to attend a preschool program, with
the government paying the tuition,” no less than 60 percent of the
public responded favorably, with just 27 percent voicing opposition.
Among teachers the response was even more enthusiastic: 73 percent in
favor and just 22 percent in opposition.
Declining support for school spending and teacher pay
We inquired about local school expenditures in two different ways. We
asked half of our sample whether they would like to see funding for
schools in their district increase, decrease, or remain the same, while
we told the other half the current per-pupil spending in their district
before we asked that question.
Among respondents not told actual spending levels, only 53 percent
support higher funding, down 10 percentage points from the 63 percent
who were supportive a year ago. Information about current spending
decreases support for higher levels of spending. Among those told how
much local schools currently spend, support for spending increases was
43 percent, the same as a year previously.
We are uncertain as to why the decline in support occurs only among
those who were not told about actual expenditure levels. We do know that
the public is no better at estimating actual expenditure levels than
previously. It estimates that expenditures average $6,680 per pupil,
hardly more than 50 percent of the average actual expenditure level of
$12,637 per pupil in the districts where respondents live.
A similar pattern holds for attitudes toward teacher pay. In 2013, 55
percent of respondents not informed of current pay levels favor
increases in teacher pay, down from 64 percent taking that position a
year ago. Meanwhile, only 37 percent of those informed of salary levels
favor an increase, virtually the same as the 36 percent taking that
position in 2012. Once again, we cannot attribute the change to better
knowledge of actual salary levels, as average estimates of salary levels
remain essentially unchanged at $36,428, about $20,000 below actual
average salaries in the states where respondents live.
Merit-based teacher tenure
Those supporting such performance pay policies remains at 49 percent,
virtually unchanged from the last time we asked this question in 2011.
However, resistance to the use of student performance information to
evaluate teachers seems to have intensified. Opposition to basing
teacher salaries in part on student progress has grown from 27 percent
to 39 percent over the past two years.
Similarly, 27 percent oppose basing decisions about teacher tenure on
how well students progress on standardized tests, nearly double the 14
percent opposed to the idea one year ago. To be sure, this is less than
half of the share of the public who support tying tenure to student
performance, which remains at 58 percent. The growth in opposition comes
at the expense of those taking the neutral position. But that drop in
those who have no definite opinion does not change the level of support
for merit-based teacher policy. The entire shift is toward greater
opposition.
School vouchers
Growing resistance to reform extends to school voucher programs as
well. Opposition to expanding school choice through a universal voucher
initiative that “gives all students an opportunity to go to private
schools with government funding” is higher in this year’s survey than a
year ago. Whereas 29 percent of Americans expressed opposition to
universal vouchers in the 2012 survey, 37 percent do so in this year’s
survey. Those in favor of a universal voucher plan make up 44 percent,
hardly different from 43 percent one year previously, a shift well
within the margin of error. The fact that most of the shifts away from
the neutral position on the merit pay, merit tenure, and universal
vouchers questions result in greater opposition—while levels of support
remain unchanged—suggests that something more is happening than mere
changes in survey design. At the very least, opposition appears to be
stronger than previously reported.
Those without a definite opinion with respect to charter schools
dropped to 24 percent in 2013 from 41 percent in 2012. That is one of
the largest shifts away from neutrality that has taken place as a result
of placement of the neutral position as the last of five options. Both
supporters and opponents show gains. Support for charters shifts upward
from 43 percent to 51 percent, while the level of opposition increases
from 16 percent to 26 percent. Since both supporters and opponents gain
roughly equal percentages, we interpret this result as indicating no
underlying change in the balance of public opinion.
Conclusions
On most issues, public opinion does not change much over time, and so
it has been this past year. Even though the past 12 months have been
marked by teacher strikes, debt crises at all levels of government, and
intense partisan debate, public opinion remains quite stable.
For that reason, it is all the more interesting to observe that in
some cases a shift in public opinion seems to be occurring. The public
is becoming more resistant to rising school expenditures and to raising
teacher salaries. But the public is also becoming increasingly skeptical
of such reform proposals as performance pay and school vouchers.
Neither the defenders of the status quo nor those proposing major
changes in education policy have achieved a public-opinion breakthrough
in 2013.
Methodology
The results presented here are based upon a nationally
representative, stratified sample of 1,138 adults (age 18 years and
older) and representative oversamples of the following subgroups: public
school teachers, parents of school-age children, African Americans, and
Hispanics. Respondents could elect to complete the survey in English or
Spanish. The nationally representative sample discussed here
represents a subset of a larger sample used to analyze a broader
experiment about how individuals respond to information about school
quality. The sample consists of those who responded to the question as
presented in the table accompanying this essay.
Survey weights were employed to account for non-response and the
oversampling of specific groups. In general, survey responses based on
larger numbers of observations are more precise, that is, less prone to
sampling variance, than those made across groups with fewer numbers of
observations. As a consequence, answers attributed to the national
population are more precisely estimated than are those attributed to
groups. The margin of error for responses given by the full sample in
the
EdNext-PEPG survey is roughly 3 percentage points for
questions on which opinion is evenly split. The specific number of
respondents varies from question to question due to survey non-response
and to the fact that, in the cases of school spending, teacher salary,
and voucher questions, we randomly divided the sample into multiple
groups in order to examine the effect of variations in the way questions
were posed. In these cases, the online tables present separately the
results for the different experimental conditions.
Percentages reported in the figures and online tables do not always
add precisely to 100 as a result of rounding to the nearest percentage
point.
William G. Howell served as director of the 2013
Education Next-PEPG
Survey of Public Opinion. The survey was conducted in June 2013 by the
polling firm Knowledge Networks (KN), a GtK company. KN maintains a
nationally representative panel of adults, obtained via list-assisted
random digit–dialing sampling techniques, who agree to participate in a
limited number of online surveys. Detailed information about the
maintenance of the KN panel, the protocols used to administer surveys,
and the comparability of online and telephone surveys is available
online at www.knowledgenetworks.com/quality/.
The presentation of response options for our support/oppose questions
differs from the format used in previous years. Previously, respondents
selected from five options appearing in the following order:
“Completely favor,” “Somewhat favor,” “Neither favor nor oppose,”
“Somewhat oppose,” and “Completely oppose.” In this survey, respondents
selected from the same set of response options, but the “Neither favor
nor oppose” choice appears at the end of the list rather than in the
middle. Placing this choice at the center of the response options may
imply that it represents a moderate or balanced position, which
respondents may select for reasons of social desirability rather than
because of true neutrality. Placement at the end of the response set may
suggest that this is a residual category to be chosen only if the
respondent is uncertain or indifferent. Of the items discussed in the
essay, responses to those concerning the Common Core, preschool, merit
tenure, merit pay, vouchers, and charter schools were affected by the
change in survey design. The exact wording of each question is displayed in the survey results.